Hari ku mugoroba muri Werurwe 2012, abarwanashyaka b’ishyaka Ishema ryashinzwe kuri 28/1/2012 bari bateraniye kuri skype(soma sikayipe) ngo barebe aho buri wese ageze yumvikanisha ishyaka arishakira n’abarwanashyaka bandi. Padiri Tomasi Nahimana, umuyobozi mukuru w’Ishema yangezeho ashaka ko mubwira aho ngeze menyekanisha ishyaka, mubwira ko ahubwo njyewe kuva iryo joro ntakiri umurwanashyaka w’Ishema, nafashe iminota icumi yo gusobanura impamvu maze mpita nsezera! Bagenzi banjye babifashe nk’urwenya maze bansaba gukomeza kuganira kuri iki kibazo iminota mike, ariko nyuma babonye ko nkomeye ku mwanzuro wanjye ari uko nyuma y’iminota 30 mbatse kunkura kuri Skype bakikomereza inama yabo.
Impamvu ingana ururo! Padiri Tomasi Nahimana yari amaze icyumweru ahitishije ikiganniro mu Mvo n’Imvano ya BBC yamaganamo we na bamwe mu bayobozi b’amashyaka biyitaga « Amaraso mashya» gahunda ya Twagiramungu Fawusitini wavugaga ko agiye gukorera politike mu Rwanda. Akaba nanone yari amaze iminsi ahitishije ikindi kiganiro kuri radiyo Ijwi ryaya Rubanda yerekana aho ahagaze ku kibazo cya FDLR. Ibi byombi byari binyuranye n’amahame twari twumvikanyeho dushinga Ishema kuko bimwe mu ndangagaciro twari twihaye harimo kutivanga mu mikorere na gahunda z’andi mashyaka ahubwo tugomba kuzuzanya. Mbere y’uko mva ku murongo wa Skype Padiri Nahimana yarambwiye ati: « Ntundusha kumenya Twagiramungu Fawusitini», aho ntiyari afite ukuri?
Nyuma y’iminsi mike cyane nakomeje kohereza inyandiko zanjye kuri padiri Nahimana Tomasi ngo azicishe ku rubuga rwe Umuhanuzi nkuko byari bisanzwe ariko yanze kubikora, nitabaza na bamwe mu barwanashyaka twashinganye Ishema ariko biba iby’ubusa. Nababwiye ko mu gihe gito nzashinga urubuga ruzajya ruhitisha ibitekerezo byanjye, ni uko Shikama yavutse. Kuri uru rubuga rushya nta muntu mu biyita abanyepolitike navuzeho cyane nka Fawusitini Twagiramungu, ndetse bigera n'aho abantu benshi banyandikira abandi bakampamagara bambaza niba Shikama yarashyiriweho gusingiza Rukokoma! Haba mu Byahishuwe cyangwa muri Politiball nerekanaga ko nta wundi mugabo dufite wahangana n’umwicanyi Pawulo Kagame usibye Rukokoma ariko ubanza nari nzi nabi uyu mugabo nkuko Padiri Nahimana Tomasi yankebuye abimbwira kuri uriya mugoroba wo muri Werurwe 2012 navuze hejuru. Iyi niyo mpamvu nyuma y’aho Twagiramungu atangiye kugirana amakimbirane n’abayobozi b’impunzi z’Abahutu ziri muri RDCongo muri 2014 nashishikariye kumenya neza uyu mugabo.
Politiki y’amacakubiri nk’inzira yo kugera ku butegetsi.
Mu bintu byatumye menya uyu mugabo, harimo inyandiko zitandukanye ariko uyu munsi turibanda ku ibarwa yo mu bwoko bwa Fagisi yo muri Kanama 1992 uwari uhagarariye Leta Zunze Ubumwe z’Amerika i Kigali yoherereje Minisiteri y’Ububanyi n’Amahanga y’iki gihugu akanaha kopi urwego rushinzwe ubutasi rwo muri iki gihugu CIA n’izirushamikiyeho zikorera ku migabane yose y’isi ndetse n’Abahagariye Amerika mu Burundi , Tanzania, Uganda, France n’Ububiligi bakabimenyeshwa.Ubu butumwa bukaba bwari bufite umutwe ugira uti: «MAJOR OPPOSITION PARTY TO CHOSE LEADER” ugenekereje mu Kinyarwanda bikaba bisobanuye ngo “ ishyaka rikomeye mu mashyaka atavuga rumwe na Leta riratora umuyobozi”(reba iyo nyandiko hano)
Iyo usomye neza iyi nyandiko ukayisesengura wari umuntu wibeshye kuri Rukokoma nkanjye ushobora guhita umenya uwo ariwe. Hari umuntu wakoranye nawe kera mu gihe cy’amashyaka menshi mu Rwanda muri za 1992 uherutse kumbwira ko yababwiraga ko gukina neza n’uwo muhanganye ubanza ukamuharabika( Diaboliser l’adversaire). Ibi ubisanga muri iyi fagisi ya USA aho uwayanditse yemeza ko Twagiramugu Fawusitini agomba kuyobora kuko atava mu majyaruguru cyangwa mu majy’Epfo y’igihugu ( reba ku murongo wa 7). Ibi bikaba aribyo na n’ubu Twagiramungu ariho yubakiraho politike ye yo muri 2015 ashyamiranya amajyaruguru n’amajyepfo y’u Rwanda mucyo abanzi b’amahoro bise « Kiga-Nduga» azi aho byagejeje u Rwanda kuva muri 1991!
Tukiri kuri iyi ngingo y’Amacakubiri, Ibiro by’ubutasi by’ Ambasade ya USA Twagiramungu Fawusitini yahaga amakuru muri 1992 byemeza ko uyu mugabo yababwiye ukuntu Dr Murego Donat wavaga mu Ruhengeri bari bahanganye mu matora yo ku buyobozi bukuru bw’ishyaka rya MDR azavanwa muri MDR . « Twagiramungu yavuze ko abarwanashyaka bifuza ko Murego Donat yava mu ishyaka niba atemera amahame yaryo» ( reba umurongo wa 8). Ibi se hari aho bitaniye n’ibyo ariho akora ubu aho ahamagarira abo muri FDLR kwigomeka ku bayobozi babo bamaranye imyaka 20 mu mashyamba ya RDCongo Twagiramungu Fawusitini yibereye i Buraya akaba amenye ko bakiriho muri 2014?!
Kurangwa n’igitugu no gusuzugura abo bafatanyije buri gihe
Tugikomeje n’iyi fagisi y’Ambasade ya USA i Kigali, urasanga ko aho kugirango Twagiramungu Fawusitini ajye inama na bagenzi be bo muri MDR, we asa n’aho yari yarimuriye ibiro bye byo kwiyamamariza kuba perezida wa MDR muri Ambasade ya USA i Kigali. Hari urwego rw’ubutasi ruri muri iyi ambasade rwitwa DCM yahaga amakuru buri gihe yerekeye abantu bari bahanganye nawe ku mwanya w’ishyaka rya MDR. Dore uko Twagiramungu yabwiye uru rwego rw’ubutasi ku byerekeye Disimasi Nsengiyaremye wari Minisitiri w’intebe yakekaga ko nakomeza kwiyamamariza kuba Perezida wa MDR bizatuma amahirwe ya Rukokoma yo gutsinda agabanuka. « Twagiramungu yabwiye DCM ko yagiranye inama mu ibanga na Minisitiri w’intebe (ndlr: Nsengiyaremye Disimasi) wemeye ko azareka kwitoresha umunsi w’amatora nugera.------ bibaye gutya, Twagiramungu arateganya ko azaba perezida w’ishyaka»(reba umurongo wa 10)
Iyi politike yo gusuzugura abo bafatanyije buri gihe tuyisanga nanone muri iyi fagisi aho Twagiramungu yagiye agirana ubufatanye ( coalition)n’andi mashyaka atagishije inama abandi barwanshyaka ba MDR ibi bikaba byararakaje cyane nyakwigendera Dr Murego Donat. «Murego ashinja Twagiramungu kuba yaragiranye ubufatanye mu ibanga na PL»( Reba umurongo wa 4). None se ari Twagiramungu cyangwa Murego, ninde wari ufite ukuri? Amateka araduha igisubizo: PL ubu nandika ibi muri 2015 niryo shyaka rya kabiri mu Rwanda nyuma ya FPR Inkotanyi naho MDR yarasheshwe ntikibaho uyivuze mu Rwanda bakugira urwo bagize Kagwa Rwisereka cyangwa Rwigara Asinapolo!
Ibi se hari aho bitaniye n’ibyo Twagiramungu aherutse gukora muri 2014 ku byerekeranye n’ikibazo cy’impunzi ziri mu mashyamba ya RDCongo aho zimaze imyaka 20 zirinzwe na FDLR? Aho kwegera izi ngorwa ngo bafate gahunda ihamye yo kumvisha ibihugu by’ibihangange biyobowe na USA bishaka ko ikibazo cya FDLR na Pawulo Kagame kirangira nk’uko icya jenerali Sani Abacha na Moshud Abiola cyarangiye muri Nigeria nkuko Shikama iheruka kubibagezaho, we yarinyonyombeye nkuko yabikoraga muri 1992 ajya kwiyumvikanira na USA uko yakwisimburira Pawulo Kagame akibera Perezida w’u Rwanda ku kiguzi icyo aricyo cyose. Nabo bati urakoze, umugambi wacu urafashe; dufashe guta muri yombi abayobozi bose ba FDLR maze ikibazo cyanyu kibe gikemutse, nawe aba araje akwirakwije ibihuha ko USA yaha Abahutu ubutegetsi aba bayobozi bafashwe!Umuntu yakwibaza icyatuma Amerika itarigeze igira umutima wo gufata abicanyi bahekuye Kiliziya uwo ku isonga muribo jenerali Kabandana ubu akaba ahagarariye Kagame n’igisoda cye muri USA, abandi bakaba baganje i Kigali, aho iki gihugu cyakura undi mutima utuma kisubiraho kikabambura ubwo butegetsi ngo ni uko abayobozi ba FDLR bafashwe!
Icyo narangirizaho ni uko nabwira Twagiramungu Fawusitini wibwira ko ngo ari intyoza muri dipolomasi, ba Mpatsibihugu barangije kumusoma pulake kera. Niba ashaka ambwire nzanshyire ahagaragara bimwe mu biganiro yagiranye nabo, abasomyi bazicire urubanza. Abashaka gukina politike nibayikine neza, ariko umuntu wese uzashaka kudusubiza mu kajagari ko muri 1991-1994 katumye tugera aho turi ubu yitwaje uturere cyangwa amoko ntituzamwihanganira. Politike ya Ndi Umushi, umushiru, Umugoyi, Umukiga, cyangwa Umunyenduga tuzayirwanya twivuye inyuma nkuko turiho duhangana n’indi ya ruvumwa ya Ndi umunyarwanda. Twagiramungu nareke abimariye imyaka mu mashyamba bakomeze bibereho mu bugenge bwabo areke kubasonga nkuko yatereranye izindi mpunzi igihe zicwaga i Kibeho muri 1995, Seth Sendashonga agatabaza hakabura utabara, Bihwahwa Bizimungu akajya gushinyagura naho Twagiramungu Fawusitini na Kagame Pawulo bariho binywera byeri i Kigali. In contrast, the Hutu RPF minister of the interior, Seth Sendashonga, rushed to Kibeho the next day to stop the shooting and, upon his return to Kigali, held an emergency meeting of the UN and NGOs to arrange transport for the IDPs before the RPA lost all restraint. He further briefed Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu, President Pasteur Bizimungu and Vice President/Defense Minister Paul Kagame, who assured him that he would make sure things stayed under control. The next day soldiers opened fire again, killing twenty and killing sixty before surrounding the camp.(reba iyo nyandiko iri hasi aha). Sigaho, ubuvugizi utahaye abari mu mirambizo ntuzabuha abari i Kantarange hagerwa na Roho w’Imana gusa. Jya umenya gusaza utanduranyije cyane wa mugani wa Rugamba Sipiriyani. Reka duture abasomyi bacu aka karirimbo nako ka Rugamba :"inda nini muyime amayira"
Shikamaye.blogspot.noShikamaku Kuri na Demukarasi(SKUD)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Kibeho Massacre occurred in a camp for internally displaced persons near Kibeho, in south-west Rwanda on April 22, 1995. Australian soldiers serving as part of theUnited Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda consistently estimated at least 4,000 people in the camp were killed by soldiers of the military wing of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, known as the Rwandan Patriotic Army. The Rwandan Government's estimate of the number killed was about 338, according to President (at the time) Pasteur Bizimungu, in accordance with VP Paul Kagame
Following the Rwandan Genocide and the victory by the army of the Tutsi dominated Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), many ethnic Hutus, including an unknown number of those who had committed genocide, (Génocidaires) fled from the RPF controlled areas to zones controlled by the French as part of Opération Turquoise and into the neighbouring states of Burundi, Zaire, and Tanzania. When the French withdrew in August 1994, the administration of a number of internally displaced persons (IDP) camps was taken over by the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) and a number of aid organizations. The new Rwandan government, dominated by the victorious Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), wished to identify those individuals and Interahamwe militia members in the camps who had committed genocide.
In late 1994, the large camps in the former so-called Safe Humanitarian Zones housed about 350,000 people. The UN set up an Integrated Operations Centre (IOC) to handle the caseload and managed to repatriate about 80,000 IDPs between October 1994 and January 1995. However, this period fortuitously coincided with the period when the new RPF government had reduced the activities of its kill squads after their activities were documented in the officially-denied Gersony Report. In January 1995, after RPF fears of Western sanctions had abated and the sanctioned killings had resumed, the IDPs refused to return to their home villages, where they would be vulnerable to the kill squads. By the third week of February, the OIC had basically stopped working and the camps were filling back up with villagers fleeing the violence in the hills. The UN field workers were caught in a Catch-22. "The government's hostility to the camps was profound, visceral...A large proportion of those who had taken shelter within Zone Turquoise were seen by the government as perpetrators of the genocide", in the words of the former director of the United Nations Rwanda Emergency Office (UNREO), and the RPF was contemptuous of the inadequate programs proposed by the UN bureaucracy. In contrast, scholar Gerard Prunier asserts that "the camps sheltered thousands of women and children as well as men who might or might not have been genocidaires." Meanwhile, UN headquarters in New York City insisted on proper procedures and close cooperation with the RPF government. The former UNREO director would later write, "The government was on board but never fully committed, allowing the humanitarian community to assume responsibility for an 'integrated' approach that in reality never existed." The IOC situation reports reflected its conflicting responsibilities, blaming a "deliberate campaign of disinformation" for IDPs refusing to leave the camps, while nearly simultaneously reporting "people return to the camps, fearing for their personal safety. There have been reports that some people are fleeing the communes and entering the camps for the first time."
By early 1995, the Kibeho IDP camp was the largest in Rwanda, sprawling for 9 square kilometers and containing between 80,000 and 100,000 people.UNAMIR presence at the camp was maintained by a Zambian infantry company, with medical services provided by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). The RPA maintained a tight cordon around the camp. Refugees wishing to leave the camp to return home had to pass through a checkpoint, where genocide survivors would point out individuals who had taken part in the 1994 killings.
On 17 April 1995, the préfet of Butare announced that all camps in the prefecture would be closed immediately. The declared aim of this was to forcibly separate knownGénocidaires from those who would be sent home via a staging camp in nearby Butare. Taken by surprise, UNAMIR hastily dispatched 32 Australian soldiers and medical officers to support its presence in Kibeho, on 18 April.
Colonel P.G. Warfe of the Australian Army would later describe the events of that day:
The Tutsi RPF minister of rehabilitation, Jacques Bihozagara, held a press conference in which he noted, "There are rumours that if the IDPs return home they will be killed... If that were the government's intention then it would have gone ahead and killed the people within the camps. After all, the camps are within Rwandan territory." In contrast, the Hutu RPF minister of the interior, Seth Sendashonga, rushed to Kibeho the next day to stop the shooting and, upon his return to Kigali, held an emergency meeting of the UN and NGOs to arrange transport for the IDPs before the RPA lost all restraint. He further briefed Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu, President Pasteur Bizimungu and Vice President/Defense Minister Paul Kagame, who assured him that he would make sure things stayed under control. The next day soldiers opened fire again, killing twenty and killing sixty before surrounding the camp. Journalist and eyewitness Linda Polman, who was accompanying the approximately 80 Zambian soldiers from UNAMIR at Kibeho, described the situation that day:
Several days of mounting tension between those in the camp and the RPF soldiers followed, with the RPF firing (at people and into the air) to control and move the refugees into an increasingly smaller area as processing of IDP continued. One of the Australian medics, Major Carol Vaughan-Evans recalled "I remember getting there four days preceding the massacre and we certainly weren't wanted. The Government forces (RPA) made that very, very clear... They insisted we only treat people who had decided to leave the camp... The government forces were extremely aggressive indicating that if we didn't empty the hospital they would...(by) killing people who remained"
On the morning of 22 April the UNAMIR force discovered about 100 refugees had been wounded or killed in the night. About half of those injured had gunshot wounds, presumably from RPA soldiers, the remainder machete wounds, presumably from Génocidaires who were "trying to terrorise the refugees into remaining in the camp… so as to provide a human shield."
Massacre of 22 April 1995
Not long after 10 am, in heavy rain, RPA forces began firing into the crowd in the hospital compound, causing a stampede of refugees against razor wire and barricades. RPA forces continued to fire at fleeing refugees for the next two hours. While initially firing into the massed crowd with rifles, the RPA later began using 60mm mortars. Corporal Paul Jordan wrote "we watched (and could do little more) as these people were hunted down and shot." The RPA slowed for a while after lunch before resuming fire until about 6 pm.
The MSF and Australian medical teams struggled to cope with the large numbers of wounded, many of whom were later evacuated to Kigali hospital. Despite this, the medical teams continued their work while the infantry sections brought in wounded to the clearing station and hospital, during breaks in the firing. During the morning the hospital was also moved, under fire, into the Zambian compound. Firing continued intermittently throughout the day. Jordan recalls seeing people being "killed all over the camp." The RPA also directed automatic rounds, rocket propelled grenades and .50 calibre machine gun fire at another wave of IDP who tried to break out after 5.00 pm.
The RPA began burying bodies during the night of 22–23 April. At daybreak of 23 April, Australian Medical Corps personnel began counting the dead. About 4200 were counted in the areas to which they had access, and they noted evidence that unseen bodies had already been removed  Terry Pickard's account states the RPA forced Australians to stop counting bodies "when they realised what was going on". The Australians estimated that there were still 400-500 bodies uncounted, not including those removed. Scholar Gérard Prunier posits that "a not unreasonable estimate" would be over 5000 dead. There were also many wounded, but not as many as would be expected as in combat, as most of the dead were bayoneted or shot at close range, and thus died of their wounds.
Minister Sendashonga had attempted to reach Kibeho on the morning of 23 April but was turned away by the army. President Bizimungu arrived that same afternoon and was told that there had been about three hundred casualties, which he accepted without comment. Bizimungu showed displeasure when a Zambian officer tried to present him with the figure compiled by the Australian unit. Both Rwandan government and UN officials minimized the numbers killed, giving public estimates of 330 and 2000 killed respectively. However, a series of photos taken by UN Provost Marshal Mark Cuthbert-Brown show some of the extent of the massacre on the morning of 23 April, as Zambian troops commenced moving bodies.
Interior Minister Sendashonga asked for an international commission of inquiry but was rebuffed by Kagame. An Independent International Commission of Inquiry, consisting of members handpicked by the RPF, was formed and led by RPF member Christine Omutonyi. After meeting in Kigali between 3 and 8 May, without any field visits, the commission reached a conclusion backing the government account of events that criminal or genocidaire elements were in the camp and that the massacre had happened when "there had been firing from the IDPs and the RPA suffered casualties... The RPA responded by firing into the crowd," and noted that they could not determine fatalities because of "logistics and time constraints". The government figure of 338 casualties has never been questioned by any official body.
Those IDPs who were forced to leave the camps were subject to attacks by crowds seeking vengeance for family killed during the genocide, as well as dehydration and exhaustion. On April 24, the IOC announced that 145,228 IDPs had returned to Butare Prefecture from the camps, and two days later revised this figure down to 60,177. Prunier, attempting to make sense of these numbers, notes that if a low estimate of the pre-crisis Kibeho population (about 80,000) is taken as correct, this still means that at least 20,000 people "vanished." From this, Prunier concludes that it is likely that 20,000 to 30,000 former residents of Kibeho died after the massacre as a result of being expelled from the comparative safety of the camps. Hundreds of patients were evacuated to, triaged and treated at the UN hospital in Kigali operated by the Australian Defence Force. All age groups and both genders were represented with Defence clinicians working round the clock with limited staff and consumable resources. All areas of the hospital were overloaded, including wards, ICU and the operating theatre.
Possible causes of the massacre
One Australian eyewitness notes that, "the events which occurred on that day are still not completely clear but one theory based on the reports of several eye witnesses and Intel reports is as follows":
An account by Thomas Odom, the US Defence Attache in Kinshasa, described the cause in the same way: "Hard-liners (in the camp) drove other IDPs like cattle to try to break through RPA lines and the RPA commander lost control of the situation. His report adds; "the camp was heavily populated by people "involved in the 1994 genocide... and ... was an active insurgent base." Odom uses the UN estimate of 2000 killed.
Gérard Prunier, author of The Rwanda Crisis and Africa's World War, expresses skepticism of the claims that génocidaires were a significant factor in the massacre and characterizes the Kibeho as being a miniature version of the characteristics of the invasion of Zaire that would occur 18 months later: "nontreatment of the consequences of genocide, well-meaning but politically blind humanitarianism, RPF resolve to 'solve the problem' by force, stunned impotence of the international community in the face of violence, and, finally, a hypocritical denial that anything much had happened."
Consequences of the massacre
The Kibeho Massacre, and its aftermath, began the final fracturing of the government of national unity that had been created in July 1994. Seth Sendashonga came to the conclusion that the Hutu were being collectively treated as murderers and being shot without trial. He proceeded to make himself a hindrance to the RPF, declaring that the many people arrested from Kibeho should not be held in crowded cells where they were suffocating to death and then canceling an attempt by Kigali mayor Rose Kabuye to distinguish current city residents from those residents returning from Zaire by color-coding their residency permits. After the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) leaked a memo to the press identifying Sendashunga as linked to "extremist forces", he disbanded the Local Defense Forces (LDF), groups set up to replace police but largely turned into thugs under the direction of RPF rural leaders. Prime Minister Twagiramungu called a special security meeting on 23 August that reached a climax after three days when Sendashonga, Minister of Finance Marc Rugenera and Vice Prime Minister Alexis Kanyarengwe (all Hutus who had been publicly identified by the DMI as being potential traitors) were joined by Tutsi minister of women's affairs Aloysia Inyumba in confronting Kagame, especially over his recent selection of 117 Tutsis out of the 145 newly appointed bourmestres. Kagame responded by leaving the room, thus ending the meeting. After two days, Prime Minister Twagiramungu announced his resignation but President Bizimungu, furious at the rebellion within the ranks of the government, got Parliament to fire Twagiramungu on August 28. The next day, Sendashonga, Minister of Transport and CommunicationsImmaculée Kayumba, Minister of Justice Alphonse-Marie Nkubito and Minister of Information Jean-Baptiste Nkuriyingoma were fired. Sendashonga and Twagiramungu were placed under house arrest, but were eventually allowed to leave the country unharmed by the end of the year. While the government of national unity ostensibly continued until the presidential crisis of 2000, these events destroyed it for all practical purposes.
Johan Pottier argues that the manner in which the RPF government restricted the access of journalists to information about Kibeho foreshadowed its approach in eastern Zaire later. He states, "Kibeho was a half-way stage in the development of Kagame's doctrine of tight information control."
Four Australians were awarded the Medal for Gallantry for their distinguished service at Kibeho, the first gallantry medals awarded to Australians since the Vietnam War; Corporal Andrew Miller, Warrant Officer Rod Scott, Lieutenant Thomas Tilbrook and Major Carol Vaughan-Evans. All available accounts indicate that the small Australian team found the event deeply distressing, and were frustrated both by being unable to encourage many of the IDP to return home before the massacre and being helpless to prevent it once it was underway. However, some commentaries claim that the Australian actions helped reduce the numbers killed and wounded. Writing in the Australian Army Journal, Paul Jordan, has said that: "While there was little that we could have done to stop the killings, I believe that, if Australians had not been there as witnesses to the massacre, the RPA would have killed every single person in the camp." 
- "United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR)". Australian War Memorial Website. Australian War Memorial. Retrieved 2008-09-25.
- Later Australian accounts confirm that former Interahamwe militia were armed and active within the camp. See Paul Jordan’s account for example
- Prunier 38
- Prunier 38-39
- Prunier 39
- "Connor, John: Bravery Under Fire". Wartime, Issue 39. Australian War Memorial. Retrieved 2008-09-25.
- Col. P.G. Warfe [Australian Army], "Address on the Kibeho Massacre," Australian Red Cross Conference on Humanitarian Law, Hobart, Australia, July 22–23, 1999, quoted in Prunier 39
- Prunier 40
- Heavily disputed figure with estimates ranging from 50,000 to 150,000. The best estimate of an IOC staffer who followed day to day events was 80,000 to 100,000.
- Linda Polman, "The Problem Outside," Granta no. 67 (September 1999), quoted in Prunier 40
- "Jordan, Paul: Witness to genocide. A personal account of the 1995 Kibeho massacre". Website. ANZAC Day Commemoration Committee (Queensland), 1998, reprinted from Australian Army Journal. Retrieved 2008-09-25.
- Prunier 40-41
- Prunier 41
- Pickard, T. (2008) Combat Medic: An Australian Eyewitness Account of the Kibeho Massacre Big Sky Publishing, Australia. ISBN 978-0-9803251-2-6
- Prunier 42
- Tracy Smart (9 September 2002). "Kibeho". warriordoc.com.
- Lieutenant Colonel Thomas P. Odom, US Army (ret.), "Guerrillas From the Mist: A Defense Attaché Watches the Rwandan Patriotic Front Transform from Insurgent to Counter Insurgent" in Small Wars Journal.
- Prunier 44-46
- Pottier 59
- Pottier, Johan (2002). Re-imagining Rwanda: Conflict, Survival and Disinformation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-52873-3.
- Prunier, Gérard (2009). Africa's World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-537420-9.
- "Photos of Kibeho IDP camp, Rwanda, April–May 1995 through the lens of Mark Cuthbert-Brown, Provost Marshal of the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda.". Pbase.com.
- "The senseless slaughter". www.defence.gov.au. November 2005. Includes short clip of Kibeho IDP camp
- "Deadlock in the Rwandan Refugee Crisis: Repatriation Virtually at a Standstill". Medicins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders). July 1995.
- "The Preacher - (a portrait of courage and faith)". Art Equity. Official Australian War Artist George Gittoes’ artwork from Rwanda
- "Eyewitness to a Massacre". australiansatwar.gov.au. 2001. Major Carol Vaughan-Evans' short interview on the massacre